The 2026 election propaganda petitions: the decisions, the amendment to the law and the coverage
Between April and August 2026, Yaron Meiri, Adv. & CPA, representing himself, filed a series of petitions with the Chairperson of the Central Elections Committee for the 26th Knesset. The Chairperson gave three main decisions in them, and two of them applied the rule that a minister's office is a public resource. On this page: what was decided, the full decisions, the amendment to the law that followed them, and the list of reports on the proceedings.
May a minister film propaganda in their office? The full answer
Translated: · Hebrew version updated:
In the three decisions, petitions against ministers and government bodies were decided. Some of the petitions were granted, in full or in part, and two were struck out after they became moot. In other proceedings in the same election campaign, petitions were dismissed and costs were awarded against the petitioner. The rules that were set and the full decisions are set out below.
In short: what happened here
Yaron Meiri, Adv. & CPA is a lawyer and CPA with an independent office working on class actions and consumer claims, employment law, commercial contracts and digital commerce. In the campaign for the 26th Knesset elections, he applied to the Chairperson of the Central Elections Committee, Deputy President of the Supreme Court Justice Noam Sohlberg, claiming that ministers were filming election propaganda (campaign material) videos in their government offices and posting them on their personal social media accounts.
The legal claim relied on section 2A of the Elections (Modes of Propaganda) Law, 5719–1959 (חוק הבחירות (דרכי תעמולה), התשי״ט–1959), which prohibits the use of public resources in connection with election propaganda. In three decisions, of 15 May, 31 May and 16 June 2026, petitions were granted, in full or in part; other petitions in the same campaign were dismissed, and in some of them costs were awarded. Two of the decisions applied the rule set in CEC case 5/26 (22 September 2024), under which a minister's office is a public resource (as quoted in CEC case 28-31, 33/26 and in CEC case 50-59/26); it was also held that an office in the Knesset is not, and that an explicit call to vote is not needed for a post to count as election propaganda.
In all the petitions, Meiri represented himself; he did not represent a client in them.
What was actually decided: five rules
The decisions do not deal with what a minister may say, but with where the minister may film. This distinction comes up in all three decisions.
A minister's office in a government ministry
Filming election propaganda in a minister's office was prohibited until the law was amended on 16 July 2026; since then filming as such is allowed, and using other public resources is still prohibited. The argument that the office falls within the exception of "assets that the State has placed at a minister's disposal" was rejected, and so was the argument that such a prohibition would harm the minister's ability to perform the role.
CEC case 28-31, 33/26; CEC case 50-52, 54-59/26An office in the Knesset building
Knesset members' offices were given to them for their political needs, not for state needs, so they do not have a non-political character and do not give an advantage in public resources. Petitions that concerned videos filmed in offices in the Knesset were dismissed.
CEC case 50-52, 54-59/26, paras. 8, 10The state flag and the title "minister"
Using the title "minister" in itself is not a use of public resources, and neither is the state flag. But the state emblem does count as a public resource, and in this it differs from the flag.
CEC case 12/23; CEC case 28/22; CEC case 50-52, 54-59/26, para. 7A room on the government floor of the Prime Minister's Office
Even a side room that is not the minister's own office is a public resource: it is an asset of a government ministry, and candidates who are not ministers have no access to it.
CEC case 50-52, 54-59/26, para. 10No explicit call to vote is needed
A post counts as election propaganda if its prevailing purpose is to influence the voter, even without an explicit call. The sub-tests: the content of the post (main weight), whether there is an alternative purpose, the identity of the publisher and of whoever initiated the post, the platform where it was posted, and the timing of the post and how close it is to the elections. Presenting positions and presenting achievements both fall within this scope.
CEC case 17/26; CEC case 28-31, 33/26, paras. 7-8"On the contrary, it is desirable that a minister, and every elected official, tell the voting public what their positions and actions are. However, the legislature prohibited the use of public resources in connection with election propaganda. This is a restriction on the place where the expression is filmed, not on its content. The same expressions may be said, and filmed, in a place that is not a public resource."Justice Noam Sohlberg, Chairperson of the Central Elections Committee for the 26th Knesset — CEC case 28-31, 33/26, 31 May 2026 (unofficial translation)
The three decisions
Each decision is presented here with a full analysis, together with the original decision file.
Timeline
The main events in the proceedings in date order, with links to the decisions and to the reports on them.
Petition against Minister Ben Gvir: 121 propaganda posts
A petition that identified 121 more posts on TikTok, Facebook and Telegram, claiming a systematic propaganda campaign and non-compliance with an earlier order of the Central Elections Committee. Shakuf quoted: "Failure to comply with the order is a serious contempt of the authority of the Central Elections Committee".
Communications Minister Karhi deletes propaganda videos from TikTok
The petition concerned 13 videos that were filmed, according to the petitioner, "by exploiting the minister's office at the Ministry of Communications, the state flag, the office library, the ministry's state emblems, and the minister's position itself as a tool of political-party branding". The videos were removed, and the petition was struck out following agreements with the minister's office.
Likud asks to dismiss the petition against Justice Minister Levin
The party argued that this was "an attempt to silence legitimate political expression". The petition concerned six TikTok videos filmed, as alleged, in the minister's office, with the state flag and the office library. The request was rejected in the decision of 31 May.
The Foreign Ministry will no longer share Hebrew content from Sa’ar's political account
The decision in CEC case 20/26 held that a government ministry may not repost, on its official accounts, Hebrew content from a personal-political account of the minister, and this also applies to another minister and a deputy minister in the ministry. A narrow exception was set for English posts whose purpose is to advance foreign policy.
Applying the rule: a minister's office is a public resource
In a joint decision concerning five Likud ministers (Kisch, Zohar, Regev, Levin and Amsalem), it was held that filming election propaganda in a minister's office is prohibited, and the ministers were ordered to remove the videos and pay costs. The story was covered by the media on the same day.
Nine more ministers, and the distinction between a minister's office and an MK's office
The decision in CEC case 50-52, 54-59/26 extended the rule to the Likud and Religious Zionism ministers, and held that an office in the Knesset building is not a public resource for the purposes of section 2A, so the petitions were dismissed regarding videos filmed there. Kipa reported that, following the decisions, another petition was filed with 250 videos.
Warning letter: AI-generated propaganda tweets without labeling
A warning letter to a staff member of the Likud election campaign claimed that six propaganda tweets produced with artificial intelligence (AI) were posted without the required labeling. The tweets were deleted before a petition was filed, and the claim was not decided.
CEC case 114/26 Meiri v. Netanyahu: temporary order to remove a video with children
A petition about a propaganda video of the Prime Minister filmed at the Malha Mall, claiming a breach of the prohibition on involving children under the age of 15 in election propaganda: section 2C of the Law, a separate ground from the one in the office petitions. A temporary order for immediate removal was given.
Reports on the proceedings
Links to reports on the proceedings, newest first, so that they can be read in the original (in Hebrew).
The list includes publications in which Yaron Meiri, Adv. & CPA, is mentioned as the petitioner or as representing himself. Some of the publications are behind a subscription or have restricted access. The links are given for reference only; the rights in each publication belong to the media outlet that published it.
FAQ
The answers are based on the decisions themselves, and are not legal advice.
May a minister film an election propaganda video in their office?
Until 16 July 2026, no. The Chairperson of the Central Elections Committee for the 26th Knesset held in a series of decisions that a minister's office is a public resource, so election propaganda may not be filmed there, under section 2A of the Elections (Modes of Propaganda) Law, 5719–1959. Since Amendment No. 42 of 16 July 2026, filming as such in the office is allowed, and using other public resources for propaganda is still prohibited.
It is important to stress: the restriction applies to the place of filming, not to the content of what is said. A minister may say the very same things, and film them, in a place that is not a public resource.
What is the difference between a minister's office and a Knesset member's office?
The distinction was set in the decision in CEC case 50-52, 54-59/26 of 16 June 2026: an office in the Knesset building is not a public resource for the purposes of section 2A, because Knesset members' offices were given to them for their political needs, not for state or public needs. In any case they do not have a non-political character, and they do not give an advantage in access to public resources over other candidates.
Accordingly, petitions that concerned videos filmed in offices in the Knesset were dismissed, including one video of Minister Dichter and three videos of Minister Karhi.
Does a post need an explicit call to vote to count as election propaganda?
No. It was held that an explicit call to vote one way or another is not necessary. The test is whether the dominant purpose of the post is to influence the voter: to move them to vote one way or another, to dissuade them from a particular choice, or to influence their political preference.
The sub-tests that help identify election propaganda: the content of the post (main weight), whether there is an alternative purpose, the identity of the publisher and of whoever initiated the post, the platform on which the post appeared, and the timing of the post and how close it is to the elections.
Does the state flag count as a public resource?
No. The state flag is not a public resource for the purposes of section 2A, and neither is the mere use of the title "minister". By contrast, the state emblem does count as a public resource, and in this it differs from the flag.
May a government ministry repost posts from the minister's personal account?
As a rule, no. In CEC case 20/26, the position that the Foreign Ministry will no longer repost on its official accounts posts in Hebrew from a personal-political account of the Foreign Minister (and, for the avoidance of doubt, also not of another minister or a deputy minister in the ministry) was given the force of a decision.
A unique exception was set for posts in English whose dominant purpose is to advance Israel's foreign policy and not election propaganda. The decision also recommended considering a separate official account for the Foreign Minister, which would remove the need to share from a personal-political account.
What is the delay (laches) argument, and is it accepted in propaganda petitions?
The respondents argued that petitions about old videos were filed too late. The argument was rejected: as long as the videos are still available online and voters may come across them, an order may be given against the "continuation" of the offense, under section 17B(a) of the Law. In the office petitions, the earliest video was posted about eight months before the petition was filed, and it was held that the time that had passed does not justify dismissal on this ground alone.
Who is Yaron Meiri, Adv. & CPA?
Yaron Meiri is a lawyer and CPA. He holds a law degree, a degree in business administration with an accounting major and an Executive MBA, and he is a member of the Israel Bar Association and of the Institute of Certified Public Accountants in Israel.
His office works on class actions and consumer claims, employment law, commercial contracts, digital commerce and artificial intelligence (AI), and defamation and reputation. In the proceedings described on this page he represented himself.
How this relates to civil and commercial cases
These proceedings involved work of the kind that civil and commercial cases also require:
Documentation and building a factual basis
Finding, documenting and dating dozens of digital posts, and organizing them into one pleading. This is also the basis of a class action.
Class actions and consumer claimsRegulation of digital platforms
TikTok, X, Facebook and Instagram: content removal, labeling of content created with artificial intelligence (AI), and the limits of a publisher's liability. These issues also come up when advising digital businesses.
Digital commerce and AIRunning a proceeding against a represented party
Petitions against represented respondents, including dealing with preliminary objections, requests for extensions and requests for dismissal.
First callResults of earlier proceedings do not ensure a result in another proceeding.
For journalists
For legal commentary on consumer law, employment law, defamation and election propaganda: +972-50-431-3155 or WhatsApp. A short biography and a photo for publication are available on request.
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